Benaloh continued his crusade for better election protocols with his 1994 joint effort with Tuinstra [3], in which they propose a solution to another flaw in Protocols 5 and 6.
In the protocols above, all of the voters' communications are public, and thus the voters are subject to coercion to reveal their votes. An armed villain could conceivably collect all of the shares a voter sent during the election and demand under extreme duress that the voter reconstruct his or her actual vote. What is missing is some private information that the voter can use to lie about his or her vote. In [3], Benaloh and Tuinstra fix this and thus make their new protocol uncoercible under certain circumstances.
The model used in this protocol is very similar to that of the two previous protocols, with multiple voters and multiple authorities. To allow for the communication of private information, Benaloh and Tuinstra assume the existence of a private channel between each authority and voter. The new proposal also changes the fault tolerance requirement from Protocol 6, by allowing for some authorities to fail. This is accomplished by using Shamir secret sharing rather than sum secret sharing.
The key point in this protocol is that each authority transmits a private, random masking value to each voter ``inside the voting booth.'' The voter then knows to adjust the component in its vote corresponding to that authority by the masking value. After exiting the voting booth, the voter is able to lie about the masking value, thus frustrating the attempts of various armed henchpersons. At the end of the protocol, the total of the masking values for each voter is removed from the decrypted tally, resulting in the final, correct tally. While the masking values themselves are transmitted privately, encryptions of the masking values are released to the public, thus ensuring that the authority cannot falsify the result of the election by lying about the masking values.
Each vote is now shared among authorities based on points on a
polynomial, with polynomials having constant term 0 representing a
0-vote and 1 representing a 1-vote. Each voter will send to each
authority its share of the polynomial translated by the private
masking value, along with the encrypted masking value. Thus, given a
secret vote
for which the voter has chosen the shares
,
, ...,
with Shamir secret
sharing, the masked share of s sent to authority j is
rather than
,
where xj is the private masking
value transmitted by authority tj to the voter.
The complete protocol is as follows:
| (2.12) | |||
| (2.13) |
| (2.14) | |||
| (2.15) |
| (2.16) | |||
The key part of this protocol is that the correctness of the masking values is proven without resorting to certificates; thus, a voter has no way of proving what its masking values were, and can thus lie about them. If several of the authorities are corrupt and reveal their masking values, a voter can still lie by being honest about the shares sent to corrupt authorities and deceptive about the shares sent to honest authorities. As long as at least one authority is trustworthy, the voter can lie about that authority. Of course, this means that a voter has to know beforehand which authorities are trustworthy, and which is problematic. Still, given that assumption, this protocol achieves uncoercibility.
In later work done in 1996 [4], Wu created a new protocol with slightly different assumptions, in which it is not necessary to know beforehand which voters are corrupt. Wu's protocol relies heavily on verifiable secret sharing, but is clean and elegant. In summary, Wu introduces the idea of a polling device, which is able to transmit bits to a voter anonymously. Each authority uses VSS to share a bit among the other authorities. The set of bits generated this way is communicated to the voter privately and anonymously, and the voter uses the XOR of these bits to mask the shares it sends out. The authorities then remove the mask and reconstruct the vote. All the voter needs to do to lie about its vote is lie about one of the bits it receives.